The time has come.  The case of Gallop v. Cheney, Rumsfeld, and Myers is over.  The United States Supreme Court has denied the Petition for Certiorari filed in the case of Veale v. United States Court of Appeal for the Second Circuit, which sought to have overturned the SANCTIONS imposed by the panel of the 2nd Circuit for filing a frivolous appeal to a frivolous lawsuit.  With that refusal to hear the case, all forms of litigation pertaining to the lawsuit which accused former Vice President Dick Cheney, former Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, and former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Richard Myers of mass murder and treason are at an end. 

            What follows comes from

            This is probably a little here-and-there theft from the book which has made its way to the publisher.  If it ever escapes from there, this can act as advertising.  The book details my charge into the valley of death in pursuit of 9/11 Truth.  I survived, but Mother Truth has not done so well.  A kind of natural period having been placed at the end of the sentence with the Supreme Courtís denial of our Petition for Certiorari, it seems an apt moment to sum up, for anyone who cares.

            When last I felt the urge to set it down, we had been sanctioned $15,000 for appealing the dismissal of our lawsuit, Gallop v. Cheney, Rumsfeld and Myers, which, I hope will be remembered, or I, with dread, inform, accused those three of complicity in the attacks of 9/11.  For those reading such words for the first time, for Godís sake, donít turn away now, unless you simply know yourself well enough to be certain that physical malady will shortly arrive if you continue.  There is so much evidence at this point that literally no one will deign to debate the question.  No one.  And if anyone thinks I am wrong, please do all you can to prove me so, because if there is one thing that I will likely die grieving for the lack of, it is any sentient human to be required to answer the questions which I have posed to two courts, fifty +/- journalists, and the world in general too many times to feel comfortable acknowledging.

            We were sanctioned by the Second Circuit Court of Appeals, the second highest court in the country, in a virtually unprecedented way, on the courtís own motion, which means the United States Attorney, our opponent, had no part in the initiation of those sanctions.  The Panel issuing them included Judge John Walker who is the first cousin once removed of former President George W. Bush, which certainly feels wrong and looks wrong, everything else to the side.  President Bush would be an unindicted co-conspirator at the very best for him, had I any sway or say at the Department of Justice.

            We were sanctioned for filing a frivolous appeal to a frivolous lawsuit.  If you are a lawyer, few more devastating things can be said about you than that you have wasted the courtís time with frivolous claims.  So, where is my embarrassment?  Why in the world publicize the fact?  How about a little dignity, or the self respect that comes from the recognition and acknowledgment of error?  Where, why, and how, indeed.

            I guess because the very last thing I am, is wrong, and my hope is for people to see that and want to act.  I have known with certainty the matters that I alleged, long before I made the allegations.  That was the least that I had to require of myself.  Hobbes(?) asserted that outrageous or unusual claims require more than the normal amounts of proof.  I have had that fact pointed out to me by really brilliant people since I first ran into this trouble, and have taken the admonition as seriously as I possibly can.  So I didnít need to be told by anyone that I was right.  I had put in the hours, read the books and scholarly articles, hired the experts, questioned what witnesses I could with 3 decades of experience in cross-examination at my disposal.  Only then did I take the most serious action available to me.  I accused of mass murder and treason, publicly and in court documents, three of the most powerful people on the planet.

            Even though that necessary certainty had been achieved long before, in a sick sort of way, I was gratified to have the federal courts of this country, or two of them, concede the facts, in the only way they were ever going to, by ignoring them.  They have yet to mention the smallest part of the legion of assertions that we have made in our Complaint and in our various filings in response to the Governmentís, or the Courtsí actions.  Every one of these documents and the Courtsí decisions are available at

            I am tired of citing the most egregious example, but it is required if the proper flavor is to be appreciated.  We and the world have a witness to what Vice President Cheney was doing and saying at the crucial times that morning in the person of Secretary of Transportation Norman Mineta.  The long and short of it is that Cheney was heard giving orders about the plane that was heading for the Pentagon, that played such a pivotal, if controversial, role in the attacks.  The most obvious interpretation of the orders, given the absence of Boards of Inquiry and demotions afterwards, is that Cheney ordered the plane to proceed unmolested by Pentagon defenses just before the devastation occurred.  In other words, Cheney did what he could to insure that the plane continued on its path so that the plan of the attack could succeed.

            Whether Mineta was accurate in all he said--it should be noted that he has been given more than one opportunity to correct the record, which includes his testimony to the 9/11 Commission, and hasnít--is beside the point when it comes to the actions of the courts involved.  The accusations we made must by law be addressed by any court considering dismissing the lawsuit based upon those claims.  But that didnít happen, leaving a pronounced, unmistakable hole where reason should have been.  As we have written elsewhere, it is as if, upon review of a liquor store hold-up indictment, the reviewing party were to fail to take note of the entry into the store of the defendant, gun drawn.  It was as bold and bald as that.  If this were all just some sort of strange delusion- the concept advanced by the court in the same documents which allege bad faith on my part- the delusional facts should be cited, with supporting argument.  Not in this world; not as this game is played; not by these who play it, possessed of the power to destroy with their very words.  The absolute last thing that government agents are going to do is mention the supporting evidence that we cite.  For those schooled in the law, in fact for pretty much anybody, the omission says it all.

            But, some have said and thought, wasnít Osama Bin Laden responsible for 9/11?  In my opinion, he most certainly was one of the perpetrators.  However, we must leave history and every day common sense behind if we are to think he could not have been aided in his endeavor, or co-opted in it, by forces rather more powerful than he.  We neednít go back very far, nor graze far afield, to find precedent for that idea.  In 1993, a former Egyptian Army officer living in the US,  named Emad Salem, went to work as an informant for the FBI and infiltrated the mosque in New Jersey where the Blind Sheik Abdel Rahman was engaged in conspiring with Ramzi Youssef to bomb the World Trade Center in downtown Manhattan.  For reasons never divulged, the FBI terminated their relationship with Salem before the attack, he saying, ďdonít come to me when the bombs go off.Ē  The bomb went off, and Salemís testimony convicted the bombers.  There is no evidence that the conspirators knew they had been infiltrated before their arrests.  We, pursuing truth about 9/11, neednít prove that events recurred precisely as they did in New Jersey eight years before. The existence of those events simply demonstrates that the evidence which establishes, without question, that the highest levels of American government descended into evil that day sit firmly upon a foundation of human experience and recent human history.

            It has never been necessary to prove motive in a criminal case, helpful as understanding it may be in a court proceeding.  More than any other question, I am asked, skeptically, why would they do that, and in that way.  There is a very good reason why proof of motive is not required.  Oneís thoughts are oneís own, and may well be unknowable to others, therefore impossible to prove without a confession, which we do not require a defendant to make in this country.

            Nevertheless, there are some reasonable speculations about why agents of our own government would engage in such conduct, and why this or that tactic was employed.  However weak or strong those guesses may be, they are as nothing when trying to understand what happened.  Skepticism or perplexity must fail when compared to the laws of physics and the accumulated physical evidence which demand the conclusion that the buildings in New York were destroyed by controlled demolition, leading to the discovery of nanothermite, an explosive compound, in the dust and debris at Ground Zero.

            We are also compelled to conclude that the Pentagon was successfully attacked because elements within our military did not employ its defenses.  Based upon the totality of the evidence it is quite doubtful that any airliner hit the building, but it is unnecessary to conclude whether it did or didnít. The ďinsideĒ nature of the attack is demonstrated by the stand down of defenses.

            As to why they would do it, generally, I cite two wars with their attendant enhanced defense spending, the Patriot Act, innumerable and unquantifiable opportunities for financial benefit by allied corporate forces and personal associates, the ability to employ fear as a motivating force on a daily basis and during election cycles, and lastly, to divert attention from the plethora of other crimes that had been committed and would be committed by members and associates of the then-governing administration.  Those crimes include fraud in the procurement of defense contracts, the theft of elections, and the murders required to enforce and maintain silence by less-committed members of the conspiracy.

            There is very little of solace to be found in the history of this lawsuit.  There has not been a single voice among all of the chorus of commentators that predicted the extent to which the jurists involved in this case would take leave of their oaths.  But of course there has never been a lawsuit in the history of this country which contained allegations as monumental as are at the heart of Gallop v. Cheney.  And 9/11 was the worst single crime in American history.  In order to defeat truth, the judges had nowhere to go but to abject, craven falsehood.

            When the planes disappeared into the buildings and the Pentagon erupted, 2977 victimsí lives were claimed, but the true toll of this basest of human cowardice and evil is far larger than that.  Thousands more have died from disease caused by the toxicity at Ground Zero.  And what of the innocents around the world?  There are soldiers who fought in Iraq who thought they were retaliating for 9/11 when almost nothing could be further from the truth, yet hundreds of thousands of Iraqis are dead.  It is doubtful that Osama Bin Ladenís contribution to the attack would have achieved anywhere near the devastation brought about by demolition of the Towers which are the responsibility of the American conspirators.  Therefore, it may have been possible to avoid both of the wars had it not been for the participation of Cheney and Rumsfeld.  The Affidavit submitted to the 2nd Circuit opposing the SANCTIONS contains the bulk of the evidence against Cheney, Rumsfeld, and Myers.  It can be found with the other documents submitted in the case. 

            There is, maybe, an honorable explanation for the actions of the various judges who have ruled in this case, and the myriad journalists and law professors and deans of law schools, and unmoved-to-action, informed citizens who have rested immobile when another choice was presented to them.  It has been said by some that the investigation into the assassination of JFK was as flawed as it was because the people investigating understood what would be found and decided that the result of truth would be chaos and instability and therefore chose untruth.  It could be that the same or a similar phenomenon is at work with 9/11, a decision made that the very fiber of this country, the ties that bind us, the foundation that supports us, are too fragile to endure such a wretched stroke.   So because they could, they chose the well-traveled path of deceit, in spite of the dishonor, in spite of the numberless additional victims sure to find their ways to a death too soon, holding fast to dread stability out of fear.

            Sad and wrong, and if so, only barely honorable in light of the selfish tilt of the calculations.  Stability serves the well-seated and powerful.  Who knows but the rest of the world might well benefit from what others see as chaos. 

            Thus the last ostensible victim in this horrifying tale is justice.  It has been tested in this nation, and there is little left.  In fact, it has been unmasked. Maybe that should be the title of the book.